Combating 'terrorism' in Bhutan

Bhutan is not a new stranger to ongoing 'violence', as termed by the regime, particularly in the name of already-coined arm struggle by different underground outfits. Not much predicted earlier, but these days Bhutan is better experiencing series of bomb explosions mostly in the southern parts, the region where majority of Nepali-speaking people dwell.

The bomb explosions in Sarpang district on December 30, 2008 that claimed lives of four forest guards is the latest instance to confirm that arm struggle is already been initiated inside this peaceful Himalayan kingdom. Here arises a question of how prepared Bhutan is to combat arm launch supposedly floated with political motives.

The December 30 incident is not the first of its kind. Birat-led Communist Party of Bhutan (CPB-MLM), one of the underground armed revolutionary outfits, planted series of bombs on the night of February 3, 2008 in Samtse district which damaged the materials brought by the Druk government for National Assembly election. To carve out a sentence from Birat's release, it reads "this is the initiation of 'Armed Rural Class Struggle' in Bhutan.

Bhutan Tigers Force (BTF), United Revolutionary Front of Bhutan (URFB) and Vikalp-led Communist Party of Bhutan (CPB-MLM) often own up responsibilities to such explosions. URFB, which owned-up responsility to the recent bomb attack in Sarpang district has further warned the new settlers, who are occupying the lands of those evicted during early 1990s, to vacate occupied plots of lands shortly. The question of having inter-connection among these armed outfits, though is tough to predict, is still suspicious as their common minimal program seems to launch arm struggle against absolute regime.

Besides, possible links between militant organizations behind frequent bomb blasts in Bhutan and the United Liberation Front of Assam among other Indian underground outfits cannot be ruled out. A news story written by Tara Limbu of Bhutan Times entitled 'Sarpang and Guwahati blasts linked?' makes this clearer. Therefore, India too will be greatly affected if arm struggle in Bhutan continues.

Earlier on March 17, 2008, URFB took responsibility of the bomb explosion in Pasakha which injured one Indian national. The frequent claims of these outfits having genuine demands to see political change in Bhutan maintains necessity on the part of the Druk government to address them.

BTF among others is often seen actively involved in raising awareness towards arm struggle through pamphlets and posturing inside the country. The frequent hoisting of communist flag in southern districts is time and again publicized by Druk media houses. These are some of the strong proofs which speak of possibilities of the continuation of armed struggle in Bhutan if amicable solution is not sorted out at the soonest possible.

The Bhutanese authority, however, alleges that all of these armed groups operate from refugee camps in Nepal. Bhutan has to well understand that refugee camps in Nepal are monitored by the UN refugee agency, the UNHCR. Many a time Bhutanese stakeholders had put the tag of 'terrorists' to refugees languishing in Nepal, which in itself sounds most-fabricated-and-illogical assumption. The fact that a number of refugee youths have connection with these armed groups cannot be denied. However, it would be too early to say if really these armed groups are solely based at the UNHCR-managed refugee camps in Nepal.

More than 60 people from southern region of the country were apprehended by the Druk police authority last year for their alleged involvement in Maoists activities. The whereabouts of those arrested people that even includes some school-going children is never made public. Here the main concern is that minor civilians should not be victimized. Free and fair investigation on such cases definitely reflects Bhutan's respect to human rights--though is never been under practice inside this tiny kingdom.

Despite showing interest and flexibility towards resolving the ongoing political turmoil in the country, the Druk regime is mulling over expansion of military force. Media houses inside the country have quoted Police chief Col Kipchu Namgyal as saying that a security squad would be formed under the 'Special Reserve Police Force' mentioned in the Police Bill to counter the armed attacks.

To note, volunteer groups have been formed to patrol during nights. A person from each household has to send one volunteer to patrol every night. They will check on schools, hospitals among other public places. This is not a fair and reliable initiation of the government to counter with arm attacks. Innocent civilians should not be used as shield in the name of fighting against armed rebellion outfits, which they say they are fighting against the government. This sort of initiation would rather encourage armed groups towards continuing violent activities. Besides, it will bring a sense of enmity between public and the armed groups and finally ignorant civilians will be victimized.

What is the solution then? Well, the Bhutanese government should not escape from furnishing a peaceful solution through dialogues and this is the right time. Bhutan must notably see the instance around its neighboring countries-- the ongoing violence in Sri Lanka, India, Afghanistan and Pakistan. One of the news stories of Associated Press on January 16 entitled 'Thousands of civilians flee Sri Lanka fighting' speaks of this fact in a quite better way. Not to an exception, the decade-long Maoists insurgency in Nepal could be yet another lesson if Bhutan grasps it before it is too late.

To conclude, the armed outfits should also understand that their objective would never be met until they wash-out hands from violent activities. Arm struggle neither benefits the Druk government nor does it promote armed groups. If Druk rebellion outfits are truly dedicated towards the establishment of people's democracy in their country then they must opt for peaceful measures. Let's establish ourselves as peace loving freedom fighters in Bhutan!

मौन राज्यआतंक र भारतीय चाल

December 17, 2008
टिपी मिश्र

नेपाल भ्रमणमा आएका भारतीय विदेशमन्त्री प्रणव मुखर्जी भुटानी शरणार्थीका आशाका केन्द्र बने । शरणार्थी समस्या समाधानमा जति नेपालको चासो छ, त्यसभन्दा धेरै जिम्मेवारी भारतको छ भन्ने बुझेका शरणार्थीको आशा तब तुहियो, जब उनी यसबारे एक शब्द नबोली फर्किए । भारतको सकारात्मक भूमिका खोजिरहेका शरणार्थीलाई यसपटक पनि भारतले लोप्पा खुवाइदियो ।

१७ वर्षसम्म घर र्फकने आशा बोकेर बसेका शरणार्थीहरूको स्वदेशफिर्तीको सवाल झन् जटिल बन्दै गइरहेको छ । यस समस्याका निम्ति जिम्मेवार भुटानले कानमा तेल हालेर बसेको कारणले समस्या जेलिँदै गएको छ । अमेरिका र अरू सात मुलुकमा सात हजारभन्दा बढी शरणार्थीको पुनर्वास भइसकेको छ । पुनर्वासपछिको शरणार्थीको भविष्य कस्तो होला ? यसबारे टीकाटिप्पणी गर्न अझै केही वर्ष पर्खनुपर्नेछ । यद्यपि उनीहरू आर्थिक रूपमा केही सबल हुनेमा दुई मत नहोला ।

राजनीतिक रूपमा अस्थिर भुटानका निम्ति पुनर्वास पनि एउटा समाधानका रूपमा देखिएको हुन सक्छ । तर, शरणार्थीमा निहित राष्ट्रप्रतिको माया उसका निम्ति कुनै दिन दुर्भाग्य बन्न सक्छ । शरणार्थीले विश्वको जुनसुकै कुनामा बसे पनि भुटानी शासकको दमनको विरोध गरिरहनेछन् । नेपालमा रहेका सबै शरणार्थीले पुनर्वासमा इच्छा देखाएका छैनन् । त्यसको ठूलो हिस्सा अहिले पनि घर र्फकने आशामा छ ।

तेस्रो देश पुनर्वासको प्रसंगले राम्रो उचाइ लिइरहेकै वेला धेरै निकायले स्वदेशफिर्तीको सवाललाई प्राथमिकता दिएका छैनन् । यसो हुनुको कारण स्वदेशफिर्तीको सम्भावना नदेखेर हो या जिम्मेवारीबोध नगरेर हो, यसै भन्न सकिन्न । द्विपक्षीय वार्ताद्वारा समस्या हल गर्न कसरत गर्दै आएको नेपालले पनि स्वदेशफिर्तीका निम्ति खासै पहल गरेको देखिँदैन । भारतमा सम्पन्न बिमस्टेक बैठकमा प्रधानमन्त्री प्रचण्डले भुटानी प्रधानमन्त्री जिग्मे वाई थिन्लेसँग यो समस्या समाधानका विषयमा गरेको छलफल नै नेपालको पछिल्लो पहल हो । दुर्भाग्य, यस्ता वार्ताका सहमतिको व्यावहारिक कार्यान्वयनतर्फ दुवै पक्षको पहिलेदेखि नै ध्यान गएको छैन ।

शरणार्थी स्वदेशफिर्तीका निम्ति प्रभावकारी भूमिका खेल्नसक्ने भारतले यसलाई ‘नेपाल-भुटानबीचको समस्या’ भन्दै टारिरहेको छ । यस्तो चालबाजीपूर्ण नीतिको आडमा रहेर भुुटानले यस समस्यालाई पूरै बेवास्ता गर्ने दुस्साहस गर्दै आएको छ । सन् २००१ मा वर्गीकरणपछि भुटानी नागरिक ठहर्‍याइएकालाई समेत उसले स्वदेश फर्काउन आनाकानी मात्रै गरेको छैन, यी शरणार्थीलाई आतंककारीको बिल्लासमेत भिराएको छ । अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय समुदायबाट भुटानले जति दबाब पाउनुपर्ने हो, त्यो नपाउनुले पनि समस्या समाधानमा उसको सकारात्मक नीति बन्न नसकेको हो ।

विश्वको सबैभन्दा ठूलो प्रजातान्त्रिक मुलुक भनिने भारत किन शरणार्थी समस्या समाधानमा अगाडि आउन चाहँदैन ? भुटानभित्र भइरहेको ‘मौन राज्यआतंक’लाई निरूत्साहित गर्न उसले किन चासो देखाउँदैन ? भारतीय भूमि भएर नेपाल आएका शरणार्थीले सोही भूमि भएर शान्तिपूर्ण रूपमा स्वदेश र्फकन प्रयास गर्दा उसले किन दमन गरिरहन्छ ? यस्तै प्रश्न आज भारतसामु तेर्सिएका छन् । यस समस्याको दीर्घकालीन समाधानका निम्ति भारत सरकार जति पन्छिँदै जान्छ, त्यति नै उसको प्रजातन्त्रमाथि नै प्रश्नचिह्न खडा हुँदै जान्छ । त्यसैले पनि यो समस्या समाधानमा भारतको अनिवार्य भूमिकाको निम्ति नेपालले तुरुन्तै पहल थाल्नु बुद्धिमत्ता हुनेछ । नेपाल-भुटान वार्ताबाट मात्र निकास आउने भए थिम्पु र काठमाडौंमा एकपछि अर्को गर्दै सम्पन्न १५ औँ चरणसम्मका वार्ता नै पर्याप्त बन्ने थिए । नेपाल आफैं पनि राजनीतिक अस्थिरतामा गुजि्ररहेको हुनाले शरणार्थी समस्या समाधानमा विशेष पहल गर्न उसले एउटा स्थायी आयोगको गठन गर्नु वैकल्पिक उपाय हुन सक्छ ।

शरणार्थीलाई तेस्रो मुलुकमा पुनर्वासका निम्ति औपचारिक रूपमा स्वीकृति दिएको नेपालले पुनर्वास हुन नचाहनेका माग र भावनालाई सही तरिकाले वेलैमा सम्बोधन नगर्ने हो भने त्यसले दुष्परिणाम निम्त्याउन सक्छ । स्वदेशफिर्तीका निम्ति सशस्त्र आन्दोलनको विकल्प नभएको ठहर गर्दै केही भूमिगत समूहले भुटानभित्र जनयुद्धको घोषणासमेत गरिसकेको अवस्था छ । दक्षिण भुटानका केही जिल्लामा गरिएका बम आक्रमणले यसको पुष्टि गरिसकेका छन् ।

यस्तो जनयुद्ध उठान गर्न ती भूमिगत समूहले शरणार्थी शिविरलाई समेत कुनै न कुनै रूपले प्रयोग गरिरहेका छन् । त्यस्ता समूहभित्रका अधिकांश कार्यकर्ता शरणार्थी युवा हुनुले भुटानमा गरिने सशस्त्र युद्धबाट नेपाल अछुतो रहन नसक्ने लगभग निश्चित छ । जनयुद्धले राम्रो उचाइ लियोे भने त्यसले भारतलाई समेत ठूलो असर पार्न सक्छ । यसमा नेपाली माओवादीको दसवर्षे जनयुद्धले भारतमा पारेको असरलाई उदाहरणका रूपमा लिन सकिन्छ ।